But she doesn’t make for a natural villain, either. Long the butt of historians’ jokes, she resists an easy feminist reading, and even the flowering of women’s histories in the seventies and eighties produced no unbridled celebrations.
It is a strange moment for a Mabel Dodge Luhan revival. Lawrence,” a biography of the author, and Rachel Cusk’s “ Second Place,” a rewriting of Luhan’s memoir “ Lorenzo in Taos.” Their relationship is a central subject of two new books: Frances Wilson’s “ Burning Man: The Trials of D. In Taos, she launched an artist colony, wrote volume after volume of a tell-all memoir, and hosted a parade of famous guests, Lawrence included. 3 for Tony Lujan, a man from the Taos pueblo. This vocation led her to New Mexico, where she ditched husband No. He had vowed to destroy her, and she would come to believe, at times, that he had succeeded.Ī former Greenwich Village radical, Luhan considered herself divinely appointed to “save the Indians” in order to restore the spiritual and sexual life of a white American society in decay. Lawrence regarded Luhan alternately as a source of irritation as an embodiment of his bête noire, the dominating woman and as a model for some of the most cruelly portrayed heroines he would ever write. Instead, he continued, she should wash the dishes until she could keep up a rhythm “with a grace.” At the time, Luhan was reading up on mysticism and Jungian psychoanalysis, and she had written to Lawrence about her discoveries. Lawrence wrote to Mabel Dodge Luhan in 1924. “Now don’t you keep going on to me about introverts and extraverts and insides and outsides,” D. Photograph by Carl Van Vechten / Courtesy Library of Congress In a second step, we will discuss the significance of the Bielefeld program for historiography in the present.Mabel Dodge Luhan seemed to know everyone and was part of everything. Against this background, this course aims on the basis of several programmatic texts to trace the history of the Bielefeld School and its critics. And yet, in recent years, many have argued for the integration of cultural and social history. For all that, however, from the 80s onwards, the paradigm of social history, came under criticism – especially from the perspective of new varieties of so-called ‘cultural history’. Since then, new models of historiography – from discourse analysis to the history of everyday life, from gender history to the plurality of ‘turns’ – seem to have displaced social history as the discipline’s dominant paradigm.
Even if this program of historiographical innovation was controversial from the start, it has unmistakably had a profound influence on historiographical writing in Germany and beyond.
CARL JOHN FRANZ REACTS FULL
Instead of the traditional history of political events, their focus was on the theory based interpretation of long-term structural developments, a full fledge ‘history of society’. In the 70s, a group of historians around Hans-Ulrich Wehler and Jürgen Kocka, voiced an opposition to the Historicism then dominant in the historical field.
It is without doubt that the so-called ‘Bielefeld School’ of social history marks one of the decisive turning point in the history of (Western) German historiography in the 20th Century. The Bielefeld School of Social History: History and Significance of a Historiographical Program In addition to the assassin’s methods, motives and goals, we will discuss the multifarious dimensions of impact and reaction in politics, the justice system, the media and the culture as a whole. Beyond the individual histories of single (successful or unsuccessful) attempts, its focus will lie on the attempt to identify long-term developments and trends. Taking our starting point from a number of European and American case studies, this course traces the history of the phenomenon of political assassinations in the ‘long’ 19th century. The reaction to such events has always been highly controversial, such that at times, the assassins themselves (Charlotte Corday, Carl Ludwig Sand, John Wilkes Booth, Gavrilo Princip) subsequently became as famous as their victims. Most often, the key factor in their choice of target is not just his or her political function, but especially their symbolic significance as the representative of a certain political system. Time and again, individuals or groups decide to use targeted violence as a means to attack or even end a political order that is – in their eyes – unjust. Political Assassinations in the long 19th Century (from Jean Paul Marat to Franz Ferdinand)Įven today, political assassinations are by no means rare. My courses for the summer semester 2012 are:
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